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The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee has set for itself a supremely important yet difficult goal. Fighting discrimination is a fundamental responsibility of our government as well as of each of us as Americans. Together, we must overcome personal prejudices and common stereotypes. As everyone in this room knows, yours is a fight worth fighting, and I applaud you for your efforts.

I also applaud the committee's efforts to promote human rights and its support for the creation of a truly peaceful and secure Middle East.

Recently, I attended my first Gridiron dinner since becoming Secretary of State. And I was welcomed back to the city in true Gridiron fashion. One of the speakers referred to me as "statesman-like, sagelike, and almost lifelike." That wasn't enough, though. The same speaker couldn't resist also mentioning a Time magazine photo of me in Egypt, standing in front of the Sphinx. Trying, I guess, to be helpful, the speaker said, "In case you wondered, the one on the left is Mr. Christopher."

As I stood by the pyramids, I was struck by the irony of my visit as a representative of the world's oldest democracy--all of 217 years old--to the heart of one of the world's truly oldest civilizations. And, of course, I was reminded of the enormous debt we owe to the ancient cultures and peoples of what we now call the Middle East and of our historic obligation to make history together by making peace.

The end of the Cold War has created an unusual opportunity for progress toward peace in the region. In the Middle East, such opportunities are unlikely to last very long, and the cost of lost opportunity is very high indeed. It's precisely because of the recognition of these costs that every Administration for over the last 4 decades--Democratic and Republican alike-has played an active role in the search for peace in the Middle East.

From the outset of this Administration, President Clinton has made clear his commitment to promoting peace in the Middle East. And we have been working hard to bring the Israelis and Arabs and Palestinians back to the negotiating table so that we can move ahead to grasp the promise of peace.

Peace Process

As you know, 2 days ago the parties agreed to return to the peace talks in Washington next Tuesday, April 27, after a 5-month hiatus. We welcome this development. Too much time has been lost. Now is the time for real progress, and now is the time to help the peace-makers--not those determined to destroy any possibility of making peace in the region. Together, we must seize the chance to negotiate a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace settlement based upon UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

The promise of peace--the benefits that will flow from peace--are becoming more apparent to all the parties. A negotiated settlement would be built on a number of principles, including land for peace, the realization of the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian people, security for all parties, and the normalization of relations in the area. By securing peace, terrorists can be marginalized. The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction can be curbed. And the promise of regional economic growth and cooperation can be fulfilled. The Middle East does not have to stand in the world as a cauldron of hostility. Instead, it can be a cradle of hope.

The United States: A Full Partner My role is to be a diplomat, not a dreamer. Diplomacy can produce concrete results. The United States is playing an active role--not only as cosponsor of the process but as a full partner in the search for solutions. We are doing our part, and we are looking to the parties to do theirs to take advantage of this historic moment for the region.

In helping the parties work through the issues, we recognize the political realities each faces at home. The Palestinians are under great pressure, and we must work with them and the Israelis to help demonstrate that negotiations lead to tangible results. And I want to commend the Palestinian leaders for making the difficult and courageous decision to return to the negotiating table.

Bilateral Negotiations

In the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, serious and meaningful Palestinian self-government is possible as an interim stage toward a negotiated final status. Indeed, the objective of this process is a real peace that will see occupation give way to interim self-government arrangements and a new relationship between Israelis and Palestinians. This outcome must provide a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority to the Palestinians.

In the bilateral talks between Israel and Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, the parties have been addressing the core issues of territory, security, and peace. This is the right track. With continued commitment and hard work, the parties involved can find that peace is increasingly possible, desirable, and even irresistible.

Other Objectives

Let me turn for a moment to my recent trip to the Middle East. The President sent me there in February with several other objectives in mind. I wanted to demonstrate support for Lebanon. I wanted to reaffirm the American commitment to Persian Gulf security and restate our policy toward Iraq and our concerns about Iran. Let me brief you on some of my impressions.

Lebanon. I especially wanted to go to Lebanon to signal in the most direct way I could--our support for that nation and for the progress the Lebanese people have made. I was proud to be the first Secretary of State to visit Beirut in over a decade.

My arrival there was one of the more exciting visits to a national capital ever experienced by a Secretary of State. I will never forget my view of Beirut as we approached by Marine chopper. The splendor of the blue sea, the white buildings, the green orchards, and the snow-capped mountains almost made me forget that this was a country that had only recently been ravaged by war.

My visit was intended to underscore US support for the efforts of the Lebanese to recover from that war, to regain its sovereignty and independence, and to rebuild its economy. A strong central government is vital to these objectives. A key to the extension of Lebanese Government authority throughout the country is the maintenance of strong, government-controlled armed forces. I am pleased that we have been able to restart the IMET program--the International Military Education and Training program for the Lebanese armed forces.

I also want to emphasize that we continue to support full implementation of both the letter and spirit of the Tail accord. This includes the disarming of all militias and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces from Lebanon. Finally, I want to reiterate my appreciation of Lebanon's firm support for the peace process and reaffirm my solid encouragement for their active participation in all phases of the negotiating process.

Gulf Security. I also went to the region to underscore the President's commitment to the security of the Persian Gulf and of our friends and allies on the Arabian Peninsula. President Clinton's commitment, like that of every President since Franklin Roosevelt, is firm and constant. And that commitment is crucial because the countries of the Arabian Peninsula remain vulnerable to aggression from an Iraqi regime bent on vengeance and from a newly armed and ideologically assertive Iran.

Iraq. Concerning Iraq, President Clinton has clearly reaffirmed the continuity of our policy. I want to take this occasion to stress that Iraq must fully comply with all UN resolutions.

We bear no ill will toward the people of Iraq, whose suffering is the direct responsibility of the present regime. In fact, we continue to fund relief programs in northern Iraq and to support UN efforts to establish relief in central and southern Iraq. The Iraqi people deserve a government that is representative of Iraq's pluralistic society, that is committed to the territorial integrity and unity of Iraq, and that neither commits crimes against its own people nor threatens its neighbors.

Iran. When I was in the Middle East, I also found deep distrust of Iran's intentions and potential capabilities. Iran is an important country that could make significant contributions to the international community. But first it must end behavior which threatens its neighbors and seeks to undermine the pursuit of peace. Iran must end its support of terrorism, its acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, and its efforts to undermine the peace process. We will work with our friends in the region and with other nations to make sure that Iran's leaders understand the high costs of continuing to pursue destabilizing policies.

Democracy, Human Rights, And Islam